Daniel Haskett
By ARISTOTLE TZIAMPIRIS
ATHENS — Greece is once again at a crossroads, being at the very center
of the world’s attention and facing unprecedented scrutiny. Oddly, this
situation fits well with the national self-understanding that accords
our country (not entirely unjustly) an outsize role in European
intellectual and political history. But the fact remains that Greek
society has entered a liminal period in which political parties,
economic practices and diplomatic
certainties will slowly be overturned.
In what sounds like a cliché, the key to future developments is held by
the youth of Greece. About half of them are unemployed, many opted to
vote for radical left parties in the recent election and none partook in
the sins of the past. At my university, class attendance rose
precipitously and across the board once the economic crisis erupted.
College students instinctively and immediately understood that after
graduation they would be facing a new reality where political or family
connections could not ensure well-paying public-sector jobs. In fact,
such employment opportunities are now, for all practical purposes,
non-existent.
Unfortunately, being studious and excelling in academics is not enough
to secure a prosperous future. My best students are not even
entertaining thoughts of staying in Greece. Simply put, they all want to
go abroad. What is most interesting is that the first choice of the
very best is not Germany or Britain but almost always the United States.
This attests not only to the undiminished attraction of the American
system but also to a sea-change in popular attitudes toward the United
States.
For the first time in living memory, numerous (and at times daily) mass
demonstrations in the center of Athens, where I live, had no
anti-American content, nor did they conclude in front of the U.S.
Embassy according to a long established “protocol.” Targets included the
German chancellor, Angela Merkel, corrupt national politicians and
especially the “Troika” (representatives of the International Monetary
Fund, the European Central Bank and the European Commission), but never
the Obama administration. Although it may be premature to declare
anti-Americanism in Greece a thing of the past, the fact remains that
Greek society has been appreciative of America’s overall support.
It is now almost an article of faith that the solution to Greece’s
sovereign debt crisis essentially lies in Berlin. However, Washington
can also decisively address some potential geopolitical and geo-economic
perils. For example, through its regional military presence and
influence with NATO Washington can help ensure that Athens will not have
to face any additional challenges by various neighboring states.
For example, the last thing needed right now are more mock dogfights
over the Aegean Sea between Greek and Turkish F-16 warplanes, tensions
over Cyprus and disputes about potential energy-related routes and
rights in the eastern Mediterranean.
At the same time, third countries such as Russia can be effectively
discouraged from efforts to cheaply acquire strategic aspects of the
Greek economy (Gazprom, for example, is interested in acquiring a stake
in Greece’s natural gas company) and thus exploiting the weakness of a
country that is a full member of NATO, the E.U. and the euro zone. From a
U.S. perspective, policies aiming to assist Greece would utilize
existing military and diplomatic assets, cost next to nothing to U.S.
taxpayers and, most significantly, contribute to regional stability.
Ultimately, though, there is only so much that international actors can
or should do to assist Greece. Long-lasting solutions to the myriad
examples of corruption and inefficiencies that have been so effectively
exposed by the world’s media can only emerge from within our society. On
this front one can be guardedly optimistic. The economic crisis has
been condensing political time. Even if the new coalition government
proves relatively short-lived, the passing of structural reforms and
launch of strategic investments such as the E.U.-supported Helios solar
project are now possible.
Although a national outcry against further austerity measures does
exist, it is coupled by an equally vehement demand to end past
practices. It is simply unacceptable to slash unemployment benefits but
tolerate tax evasion, closed shops and waste. Recently, I have even
witnessed students reminding others that smoking is forbidden upon the
university’s premises (Greece has notoriously failed — so far — to
successfully implement a nonsmoking ban).
At the same time, new politicians are entering the scene while some of
the parties that produced the crisis are in terminal decline. We are
thus about to experience a society with new expectations, new demands
and new leaders.
Finally, since we Greeks place so much emphasis on our historical
legacy, it is fair to ask if history offers any perspective on the
country’s current predicament. The modern Hellenic state has a proven
track record of overcoming much more serious crises. Consider that in
the 20th century alone, Greece confronted two Balkan Wars, two World
Wars, the 1923 mass population exchange with Turkey, fascist and Nazi
occupations that included a deadly famine and the annihilation of its
Jewish community, a disastrous civil war, mass immigration abroad,
numerous coup d’états, several major dictatorships, the 1974 Cyprus
events and near-military confrontations with Turkey on various
occasions.
Thus, from a historical viewpoint, the current crisis is neither
unprecedented, nor even close to being the worst. It is worth keeping in
mind that after every catastrophic phase, after every setback, Greece
managed to survive, recover and even prosper. The resilience and
adaptability of the Greek people are not to be underestimated. A new
Greece will no doubt emerge. But we are not quite there yet.
Aristotle Tziampiris is associate professor of international relations at the University of Piraeus.
